Jacques Chirac, former President of the French Republic, died on September 26, 2019. In France it was a period of intense media emotion and national unity: the day of mourning, tributes of all kinds, a religious funeral in St. Suplice Church in the presence of many dignitaries.
When a soul leaves this world, it is immediately judged by God. “Blessed are the dead, who die in the Lord. From henceforth now, saith the Spirit, that they may rest from their labors; for their works follow them” (Apoc. 14:13).
Good and bad works follow the deceased, may God reward him in all justice and mercy, whether for eternal bliss or eternal damnation.
Responsibility for Abortion in France
Jacques Chirac exercised the highest responsibilities of the French state for 16 years. He was Prime Minister for four years, and President of the Republic for twelve years. Prime Minister for Valery Giscard d’Estaing, his government was responsible for legalizing abortion in France.
Already in 1967, under De Gaulle and the government of Georges Pompidou, contraception had been legalized by the Neuwirth Law. Then the debate shifted to abortion, which was no longer criminally prosecuted from 1973, under the presidency of Pompidou and the government of Pierre Messmer.
Legalization took place in 1975. Initially, Jacques Chirac did not understand why Valéry Giscard d’Estaing made a priority of the “right” to what was prudently called the “voluntary termination of pregnancy.” He said, “women have always managed, they will continue,” judging “this affair of good women” was decidedly not an emergency. But once the directives of the President of the Republic were known, says Simone Veil in her autobiography, “Jacques Chirac spared no support for me and made every effort to ensure that the law passed.” He even intervened in the lower chamber to support his Minister of “health.” It is therefore with full knowledge of the facts and under his full responsibility that France dramatically changed to what one of the main opponents of abortion had described during the debates: “Do not doubt it: already capitalists are eager to invest in the industry of death and the time is not far off when we will know in France these ‘abortion mills,’ these slaughterhouses which are piled up with corpses of little men, that some of my colleagues have had the opportunity to visit abroad” (Jean Foyer).
This responsibility, shared with President Giscard d'Estaing, Simone Veil, and all those who voted for this murderous law, represents about 10 million children killed in their mothers’ wombs for more than forty years.
A Crime Against Life
In the glowing tributes to Jacques Chirac on the occasion of his death, his Johannesburg speech at the Earth Summit in 2002 was quoted, “Our home [the planet] burns and we look elsewhere. Nature, mutilated, overexploited, no longer succeeds in reconstituting itself, and we refuse to admit it. Humanity suffers. It suffers from poor development in both North and South, and we are indifferent. The earth and humanity are in danger, and we are all responsible for it...We cannot say we did not know! Let us be careful that the twenty-first century does not become, for future generations, that of a crime of humanity against life.”
The one who denounces, through the overexploitation of natural resources, “a crime of humanity against life,” should he not begin by beating his breast for his overwhelming responsibility in this other crime of humanity against life that is abortion?
Alas, it is with pertinacity that he proclaimed, always on the subject of abortion and the Veil Law, “No to a moral law which would take precedence over the civil law and would justify that one places oneself above the law! This cannot be conceived of in a secular democracy” (Le Journal du Dimanche, April 2, 1995). Creon could not have said better to Antigone.
Although Jacques Chirac always supported and defended the Veil law, he never ceased to assume responsibility for the implementation of abortion in France. This is perhaps one of the only subjects where he was consistent, while in many other areas he changed his opinions and varied in the convictions he displayed. He was even nicknamed “Jacques Chirouette.”
For example, he is probably the last major political leader to have spoken of France as—the eldest daughter of the Church! It was in 1976, in an official letter he wrote to Archbishop Marcel Lefebvre.
Indeed, on July 16, 1976, feast of Our Lady of Mount Carmel, the Prime Minister of the French Republic sent an anguished appeal to the prelate of Ecône: any rupture of the Catholic communion, he wrote to him, would be “prejudicial to the common good of France and the Church,” of “Christian France, eldest daughter of the Church by immemorial privilege.”
It is clear that Jacques Chirac then displayed, despite the unfair laws of his government, a right concept of the politics of a Catholic country. According to him, Catholic communion belongs to the common good of France, the eldest daughter of the Church. Visibly inspired, he continued: “I trust in your genius to find the words of reconciliation. What an example you will give in a time when fidelity is so constantly flouted, where true love is so tragically misguided. Your fight for the faith, for the Church will receive the brilliant seal of authenticity, that which confers absolute rectitude in the conduct and the acceptance of sacrifice.”
The invocation of Christian France, the eldest daughter of the Church by immemorial privilege, was unfortunately only one rhetorical figure among others, which would be denied thirty years later in his fierce opposition to the mere mention of Christian roots in the draft of the European constitution. While he had, during a state visit to the Vatican on January 19, 1996, “testified to France’s fidelity to its Christian heritage,” that same year he refused to receive Pope John Paul II when he came to Reims to commemorate the fifteenth centenary of the baptism of Clovis, which marked the birth of that same Christian France.
Jacques Chirac showed his true face in his fight for laïcité (secularism) and the republican values which exclude all transcendence, all natural law, and all objective and constraining morality. His address “on the historic role of French Freemasonry for the values of the Republic,” on June 23, 2003 at the Élysée Palace, summarizes all the errors on civil society with which he was stuffed. These errors appear in Title VI of the Syllabus of Pope Pius IX, in 1864! To name a few—the State is the origin and source of all rights, there is a primacy of the civil power over the spiritual power, the emancipation of the authority of the Church and the separation of it from the State. As if Caesar was not accountable to God.
It is now a done deal.